Southern Thought – Its New and Important Manifestations – George Fitzhugh, 1857

Southern Thought – Its New and Important Manifestations
– George Fitzhugh, 1857

Twenty years ago the South had no thought-no opinions of her own. Then she stood behind all christendom,
admitted her social structure, her habits, her economy, and her industrial pursuits to be wrong, deplored them
as a necessity, and begged pardon for their existence. Now she is about to lead the thought and direct the practices
of christendom; for christendom sees and admits that she has acted a silly and suicidal part in abolishing African
slavery-the South a wise, and prudent one in retaining it. France and England, who fairly represent the whole
of so-called free society, are actively engaged in the slave-trade under more odious and cruel forms than were
ever known before. They must justify their practices; and, to do so, must adopt and follow Southern thought.
This, of itself, would put the South at the lead of modern civilization. In the sneering ridicule of the false and
fallacious philanthropy of Lord Brougham by the London Times, the leading paper of Western Europe, we see
that they are breaking ground to condemn and repudiate the “rose-water philanthropy” of Clarkson, Wilbefbrce,
Howard, and Hannah More, that nursed scoundrels and savages at the expense of the honest, industrious,
laboring whites. . The next inevitable step will be to approve and vindicate the conduct of Hercules, and Moses,
and Joshua, and the discoverers and settlers of America, who have conquered, enslaved, and exterminated
savages, just as fast as might be necessary to make room for free civilized whites. This is the only philosophy
that can justify the subjugation of Algiers or the hundred southern conquests and annexations of England;
and this philosophy is consistent with Southern thought and practices, but wholly at war with the maudlin
sentimentality of Hannah More, Wilbeforce, and Lord Brougham. Southern thought alone can justify European
practices, and Southern practices alone save Western Europe from universal famine; for cotton, sugar,
rice, molasses, and other slave products are intolerably dear and intolerably scarce, and-France and
England must have slaves to increase their production, or starve.

They have begun to follow in our wake, instead of our humbly imitating them. It is true they are still impertinent
and presumptious, and loud in their abuse of our form of slavery, whilst they are busily adopting worse forms.
But the veil of hypocrisy with which they would conceal their conduct is too transparent to avail them long.
Besides, they can use no arguments to justify their conduct that will not equally justify ours. In any view of the
subject Southern thought and Southern example must rule the world. The South has acted wisely and prudently,
acted according to the almost universal usage of civilized mankind, and the injunctions of the Bible, and she is
about to gather her reward for so doing. She flourishes like the bay tree, whilst Europe starves, and she is as
remarkable for her exemption from crime as her freedom from poverty. She is by far, very far, the most prosperous
and happy country in the world. Her jealous and dependent rivals have begun to imitate her. They must soon
openly approve her course in order to vindicate themselves. But there is no narrow philosophy to justify slavery.
No human or divine authority to vindicate mere negro slavery, as an exceptional institution. All the authority is
the other way. White slavery, not black, has been the normal element of civilized society. It is true that the authorities
and the philosophy which approve white slavery, are still stronger authorities in favor of negro slavery, for the
principle and the practices of mankind in the general have been to make inferior races and individuals slaves to
their superiors. How fortunate for the. South that she has this inferior race, which enables her to make the whites
a privileged class, and to exempt them from all servile, menial, and debasing employments. But we must force
the reluctant admission from Western Europe that the emancipation of the white serfs or villians was a far more
cruel failure, so far as those serfs were concerned, than West India emancipations. In truth, the admission is
made in fact, though not in form, in almost every review, newspaper, and work of fiction; that emanates
from the press of Western Europe or our North.

They concur in describing the emancipated whites as starving from year to year, and from generation to generation,
whilst nobody pretends that the liberated negroes of the West Indies are starving. As for crime and ignorance, we
suspect that the laboring liberated poor of Western Europe may. well claim to rival, if not surpass, the negroes of
Jamaica. But the liberated whites work harder and cheaper as freemen, or rather as slaves to capital, than they
did as serfs; and, therefore, the rich who employ them think white emancipation a successful experiment, a glorious
change for the better. Because, although it starves and brings to untimely graves some half million of the laboring
poor annually, it nevertheless makes labor cheaper, and increases the profits of the rich. We despise this flood
of crocodile tears which England is shedding over the free negroes of the West Indies, whilst she has not one
tear to shed on account of her laboring poor at home, who are ten times worse off than the free negroes. In the
absence of negro slavery there must be white slavery, else the white laboring class are remitted to slavery to capital,
which is much more cruel and exacting. than domestic slavery. Southern thought must justify the slavery principle,
justify slavery as natural, normal, and necessitous. He who justify mere negro slavery, and condemns other forms
of slavery, do not think at all-no, not in the least. To prove that such men do not think, we have only to recur to the
fact that they always cite the usages of antiquity and the commands of the Bible to prove that negro slavery is right.
Now if these usages and commands prove anything, they prove that all kinds of slavery are right. By Southern thought,
we mean a Southern philosophy, not excuses, apologies, and palliations. . The South has much work before her,
for to justify her own social system, she will have to disprove and refute the whole social, ethical, political, and
economical philosophy of the day. These-philosophies have grown up in societies whose social relations are
different from hers, and are intended to enforce and justify those relations.

They all inculcate selfishness and competition as the great duties of man, and success in getting the better of
our fellow beings in the war of the wits as the chiefest, if not the only merit. The opposite or protective philosophy,
which takes care of the weak whilst it governs them, is the philosophy of the South. The free trade or competitive
philosophy is an admitted failure, and most of the literature of Europe is employed in exposing and condemning it.
From the writings of the socialists, (and almost everybody is a socialist in Western Europe,) we can derive both facts
and arguments quite sufficient to upset the whole moral philosophy of the day. From the Bible and Aristotle we can
deduce (added to our own successful experiment) quite enough to build up a new philosophy on the ruins of the
present false and vicious system. The South is fulfilling her destiny and coming up to her work beautifully. She is
multiplying her academies, her colleges, and her universities; and they are all well pationised and conducted by
able professors. Several of these professors have written works defending slavery with great ability, on general
aild scientific principles. All of them are true to Southern institutions. From these.schools thousands of educated
and influential men annually proceed to every quarter of the South. They will mould and control thought and opinion,
whether they settle down.as private citizens or become editors, lawyers, divines, or politicians. Female schools
and colleges are also rapidly increasing in numbers, and this is an important gain, for it is the mother who first
affects opinions, and it is difficult in after life to get rid even of erroneous principles which have been taught by
the mother in the nursery. It is not safe, wise, or prudent, to commit the education of our daughters to Northern
schools, nor to female teachers brought. from the North. Fashion is one of the most powerful engines in controlling
opinion, and fashion will soon cease to be borrowed from the North. Southern watering places are full to overflowing,
and few go to the North to be insulted by the helps in their hotels.

These Southern watering places annually bring together intelligent and influential persons from the various States
of the South, who form friendships, unite various sections in stronger-bonds of amity, and confirm each other in the
support of Southern institutions, by comparison and concurrence of opinion. People do not like to be out of the fashion
in thought any more than in dress, and hence the prevalent anti-slavery doctrines at Northern watering places, must
exercise a baleful and dangerous influence on Southerners who visit them.The educational conventions held in
various parts of the South exercise a similar influence to our watering places, but a far more important and potent
one, for they are attended by the ablest men in. the nation, whose everyday business, duty, and occupation, is to
form opinion, and to inaugurate a Southern thought. The importance of these conventions in cutting us off from
imitative allegiance to the North and to Europe can hardly be overrated. Nay, they will do.more; they will. teach
our revilers to respect,.admire, and imitate us, by the unanswerable facts and arguments which they will adduce
to justify our institutions. Another fact for congratulation to the. South is, that our peole are beginning to write
books-to build up a literature of our own. This is an essential prerequisite to the establishment of independence
of thought amongst us. All Northern and European books teach abolition either directly or indirectly.. The indirect
method is more dangerous than the direct one. It consists in inculcating doctrines at war with slavery, without
expressly assailing the institution. Now, all authors who write about law, religion, politics, ethics, social or political
economy, if not pro-slavery men themselves, are continually inculcating doctrines accordant with their own social
forms, and therefore at war with ours. Hence it follows, that all books in the whole range of moral science, if not
written by Southern authors, within the last twenty or thirty years, inculcate abolition either directly or indirectly.

If written before that time, even by Southern authors, they are likely to lie as absurd and as dangerous as the
Declaration of Independence, or the Virginia Bill Of Rights. It is all important that we should write our own
books. It matters little who makes our shoes. Indeed, the South will commit a fatal blunder, if, in its haste to
become nominally independent, it loses its present engines of power, and thereby ceases to be really independent.
Cotton is king; and rice, sugar, Indian corn, wheat, and tobacco, are his chief ministers. It is our great agricultural
surplus that gives us power commands respect, and secures independence. The world is pinched now for agricultural
products. The rebellion in India will increase the scarcity. Then, take away our surplus from the world’s supply,
and famine and nakedness would be the consequence. We should not jeopard this great lever of power in the
haste to become, like Englishmen, shop-keepers, cobblers, and common carriers for the universe. Our present
pursuits are more honorable, more lucrative, and more generative of power and independence than those we fondly
aspire to. We cannot do double work. If we become a commercial and manufacturing people we must cease to
be an agricultural one, or at least we shall cease to have an agricultural surplus. We should become as feeble,
as isolated and contemptible as Chinese or Japanese. Actual independence would be bartered off for formal
independence, which no one would respect. An increase in our commerce and manufactures, so gradual as
not to affect the amount of our agricultural surplus, would be desirable, provided that increase never extends
so far as to make us a commercial and manufacturing people. That we can be all three is one of the most palpable
absurdities ever conceived by the human brain. Foreigners cannot buy from us unless we buy an equivalent
amount from them. If they should do so, our agricultural surplus would absorb the whole currency of the world
in less than a century, and we should be oppressed with a plethora of money that would, necessitate the
carrying about a cart-load of silver to buy an ox.

We can afford to let foreigners be our cobblers, and carriers, and tradesmen for a while longer, but we cannot
safely delay writing our own books for an hour. In Congress, and in the courts of Europe, in the conflict of debate,
and in the war of diplomacy, Southerners have always shown themselves the equals, generally the superiors, of
the first intellects of the world. This is easily accounted for. All true power, whether in sneaking, writing, or fighting,
proceeds quite as much from strength of will as from power of mind or body; and no men have half the strength of
will that Southerners possess. We are accustomed to command from our cradle. To command becomes a want and
a necessity of our nature, and this begets that noble strength of will that nerves the mind for intellectual conflict and
intellectual exertion, just as it nerves the body for physical contest. We are sure to write well, because we shall write
boldly, fearlessly, and energetically. We have already made a start. A great many Southern books have been written
within the last three or four years. They are almost all distinguished by that boldness of thought, and close and energetic
logic, which characterizes the Southern mind. The North surpasses us in taste and imagination, equals us in learning;
but is far behind us in logic. No doubt our greater intensity of will gives us this advantage, for in no intellectual effort
is force of will so absolutely necessary as in moral reasoning. It is the most difficult intellectual exercise, and therefore
the most perfect self-control and self-command are required to nerve to high effort in this direction. .Several of our
distinguished professors are employed in preparing school books for academies and common schools, and text
books for our colleges. It is all important to “teach the young idea how to shoot,” and to give it, in early life, a
Southern bent. We have, been guilty of great remissness on this subject, but we shall speedily repair it, and
soon no more school books from Europe or the North will be seen south of Mason’s and Dixon’s line. Last, not
least, of the causes, in busy operation to beget a Southern thought, are our annual commercial conventions.

We have little practical acquaintance with trade or commerce, and do not know that conventions can direct industry,
or control trade, any more than they can stop or divert the tide. We shrewdly suspect, however, that despite of
conventions, private individuals will direct their industry and invest their capital in such manner as they think most
profitable. Nay, more-we are so irreverent as to believe that each man is the best judge in such matters for himself.
Besides, we think it far more dignified to let a starving and naked world come to our Egyptian granaries, as Joseph’s
brethren came to him, than for us to be hawking, peddling, and drumming like Englishmen through the universe. The
character of drummer, hawker, and peddler, does not suit `Southern taste or Southern talent. We have no turn whatever
for swapping, drumming, and bargaining; and if we went from home with our products, might get cheated out of our
eyes. Besides, we should neglect our crops, and in a short time would have nothing to employ our commerce. But
poorly as we think of these conventions as commercial stimulants or agencies, we know that they are invaluable as
a means, and by tar the most potent means, of uniting the South, begetting a common public opinion, and preparing
us for any crisis or emergency that may arise. Let the South but be prepared and united, and her rights will always
be respected, and the Union secure. But apathy and inertness beget aggression; and any further aggression by the
North will precipitate disunion. The cup of our endurance is filled to the brim. These conventions are composed of able,
patriotic, and conservative men. Their proceeding, though firm, are calm, dignified, and moderate. They; represent
Southern feeling and opinion correctly, and excluding Russia, the South is the only conservative section of civilized
christendom. The democracy of the North, it is true, are conservative, but there Black Republicanism is in the ascendant,
and that is radical and revolutionary in the extreme. The Pope-of Rome is a radical reformer. Louis Napoleon and
Victoria are half-way socialists, and Henry the Fifth, the Bourbon heir to the French throne, is a thorough socialist.

So desperate is the condition of the people throughout Western Europe, that no one in power dare tell them that
there shall be no change, that all things shall remain as they are. The South is the only conservative section of
christendom„ because it is the only section satisfied with its own condition. Everywhere else, except in our North,
the people are suffering intolerable ills, and ripe, at any moment, for revolution. There is no occasion for radicalism
and revolutionary spirit at the North. Next to the South, it is the most prosperous, and should be the most contented
country in the world. All of its discontent, and its political, moral, and religious heresies have grown out of abolition. Men
who begin by assailing negro slavery find that all government begets slavery in some form, and hence all abolitionists
are socialists, who propose to destroy all the institutions of society. That slavery to capital, so intolerable in densely
settled countries, where lands are monopolised by the few, can never be felt at the North, until our vast possessions
in the West are peopled to the Pacific, and a refluent population begins to pour back upon the East. Then, like Western
Europe, the North would have a laboring. population slaves to capital, ” slaves without masters.” Famine would become
perennial, and revolution the common order of the day, as in Western Europe. Nay, the condition of the laboring class in
the North-east, would be far worse than in Europe, because there would be.no checks to competition, no limitations to
the despotism of capital over labor. The spirit of’ trade and commerce is universal, and it is as much the business of trade
to devour the poor, as of the whales to swallow herrings.All its profits are derived from unjust exacting or “exploitation”
of the common poor laboring class; for the professional and capitalist, and skilful laboring classes, manage to exact
five times as much from the poor, as they pay to the tradesmen in way of profit. The poor produce everything and enjoy
nothing. The people of the North are hugging to their breasts a silly delusion, in the belief that the poor can tax the rich,
and thus prevent those evils that are starving and maddening the masses in Western Europe.

You can’t tax a rich man unless he be a slave-holder, because he produces nothing. You can’t tax property, except in
slave society,because it does not breed or produce anything itself. Labor pays all taxes, pays the rich man’s income,
educates his children, pays the professional man’s fees, the merchant’s profits, and pays all the taxes which support
the Government ; a property tax must take a part of the. property proposed to be taxed, and such a tax never will be
imposed; a property tax would soon divest all men of their property. Gerrit Smith said most truly in Congress : “The
poor pay all taxes, we (meaning the rich) are the mere conduits who pass them over to government.” This was the
noblest and the grandest truth that ever was uttered on the floor of legislative hall. It is this awful truth that is, shaking
free society to its base, and it will never recover from the shock. ‘Tis now tottering.to its fall. Property and not labor is
taxed in slave society. ‘Tis true the negro produces the wherewithal to pay the’tax, but he loses nothing by it. Neither
his food or his raiment are abridged. Both humanity and self-interest pre• vent the master from lowering his wages.
The master pays the tax by abridging his own expenses. He has less of food and raiment, not the slave. The capitalist
charges higher rents and profits to meet increased taxation, and lives as expensively as ever. The employer reduces
the wages of his laborers for the same purpose, and dines and sups as luxuriously as ever. Labor pays all taxes, but
labor in slave society is property, and men will take care of their property. In free society labor is not property, and there
is nothing to shield the laborer from the grinding weight of taxation-all of which he pays, because he produces everything
valuable. We have made this digression to show that if the North ever becomes densely settled, there is no mode of
escaping from the evils of free competition and from the taxing power or exploitation of skill and capital. In Europe,
competition is not so fierce, the spirit of trade not so universal. They have still kings, nobles, and established churches,
stripped, it is true of their fair proportions, reduced somewhat to the semblance of shadowy ” phantasms ;” yet, still,
as the natural friends of the poor, interposing some check to the unfeeling exactions of the landholder, the tradesman,
and the employer.

In the palmy days of royalty, of feudal nobility, and of catholic rule, there were no poor in Europe. Every man had his
house and his home, and both his brave and his pious protectors. The baron and the priest vied with each other in
their care of the vassal. This was feudal slavery; and what is modern liberty? Why, quietly, slowly, almost insensibly,
the poor have been turned over from the parental and protective rule of kings, barons, and churchmen, to the unfeeling
despotism of capitalists, employers, usurers, and extortioners; and this was called emancipation! Although, in the
event of a dense population cooped up in the North, without means of escape, the evils which we have depicted, would
occur more virulently there than in Europe; yet, it is not worth while to anticipate evils that may never happen. The
North is now doing well. Her poor are not the slaves of capital, and never will be whilst there are vacant lands in the
north. Population does not always increase. It has its ebbs and flows. Very large countries, such as America, are
not likely to be overstocked with inhabitants. Secret causes at work will diminish population in some sections, whilst
it is increasing in others. The situation of the North is natural, healthful, and progressive, but for the abolitionists and
other agrarian isms. ‘Tis treason in them to disturb society by the unnecessary agitation of questions as to contingent
and future evils. But this is not their only treason. They propose, in their conventions, to dissolve the Union, not for
any evils with which it afflicts them, but because the South hold slaves. Now, Black Republicans, who are under the
rule of abolitionists, if not all abolitionists themselves, are radical and revolutionary in their doctrines, and dangerous
to the Union; whilst Southern Commercial Conventions are composed entirely of men of the opposite character, of
enlightened conservatives. – We differ from what are called the extremists of the South; it would not shoot down the
sentinels of our camp. If not the wisest, most far-seeing, and most prudent, they are the most zealous friends of the
South. They believe, that eventually, the aggressions of Northern abolition will force disunion upon us, and look to
disunion as probably the only ultimate redress for the wrongs infilicted on us.

We think a victory may yet, perhaps, be won by the Smith, not by arms, but by South-ern thought and Eu • cessiti
Thought, by means of the press and the mail, has now ecome almost omnipotent. It rules the world. Though; with
hunger and nakedness to prompt, stimulate, and direct it, will prove irresistible. That thought has commenced and
begotten a counter-current in Europe, that impels France to renew the slave-trade wider a new form, and induced
a debate in the British Parliament which evinces a universal change of opinion as to abolition and squints most
obviously towards the renewal of the slave-trade. Revolutions of opinion do not go backwards, nor do they stand
still in a half-way course. England sees, admits, and deplores the error of West India emancipation. This admission
is but a step in a chain of argument, which must ultimately carry her further from abolition, and bring her nearer to
slavery. For a while, she will try to maintain some middle ground between emancipation and slavery, and substitute
coolies, and African apprentices, for negro slaves. But there are two reasons why she cannot long occupy this ground.
First, its falsity and hypocrisy are too obvious; and secondly, coolies and apprentices do not answer the purpose of
slaves. Her necessities will compel her to reinstate African slavery in its old and mildest form. Thus will Southern
thought triumph, Southern morality be vindicated, and Southern wisdom. prudent and foresight, be rendered apparent.
The crusades lasted for a century. Those who conducted them had stronger convictions, and a clearer sense of duty,
than modern abolitionists: for they laid down their lives by the million in the cause, whilst modern abolitionists, from
Wilbeforce to Greely, have not evinced the slightest taste for martyrdom. All Europe then believed the crusades a
righteous and holy undertaking. Abolition has never commanded such universal assent, nor such self-denying sacrifices.
So far from marching a thousand or more miles to fight for their cause, they have not been willing to give up a cup
of coffee, an ounce of sugar, or a pound of cotton, to speed it; no, they have been encouraging slavery, whilst abusing
it, by consuming slave products. Europe and the North can any day abolish slavery by disusing slave products.

They should try the experiment, for should they succeed in abolishing. it, they will have none of those products
thereafter-Jamaica and Hayti prove this. The crusades lasted for a century, and their signal failure opened men’s
eyes to the folly and wickedness of such expeditions; and soon men began to wonder at the infatuation of their
crusading ancestry. So it will be with abolition. It has lasted nearly a hundred years. It has failed as signally as the
crusades, and brought hunger and-nakedness on its votaries, or at least on the laboring poor at their doors. As in
the case of the crusades, abolition will soon be considered a mad in-fatuation-for want, brought on by it, combines
with failure, too pen men’s eyes. Southern thought must be a distinct thought-not a half thought, but a whole thought.
Domestic slavery must be vindicated in the abstract, and in the general, as a normal, natural, and, in general,necessitous
element of civilized society, without regard to race or color. This argument about races is in infidel procedure, and we
had better give up the negroes than the Bible. It is a double assertion of the falsity of the Bible-first, as it maintains
that mankind have not sprang from a common parentage; and, secondly, as it contends that it is morally wrong to enslave
white men, who, the Bible informs us, were enslaved by the express command of God. But it is also utterly falsified
by history. The little States of Greece, in their intestine wars, made slaves of their prisoners, and there was no complaint
that they did not make good slaves; whilst the Macedonians, an inferior race, were proverbially unfit for slavery. The
Georgians and Circassians, the most beautiful of the human family, make excellent slaves, whilst the Bedouin Arab
and American Indian or those tribes in Palestine whom God commanded Moses and Joshua to put to the sword without discrimination or mercy. Again: to defend and justify mere negro slavery, and condemn other forms of slavery, is to give
up expressly the whole cause of the South-for mulattoes, quadroons, and men with as white skins as any of us, may
legally be, and in fact are, held in slavery in every State of the South.

The abolitionists well know this, for almost the whole interest of Mrs. Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, arises from the
fact, that a man and woman, with fair complexion, are held as slaves. We are all in the habit of maintaining that
our slaves are far better off than the common laborers of Europe, and that those laborers were infinitely better
situated as feudal serfs or slaves than as freemen, or rather as slaves to capital. Now, we stultify ourselves if we
maintain it would be wrong to remit them back to domestic slavery, which we always argue is much milder and
protective than that slavery to capital, to which emancipation has subjected them. They have been wronged and
injured by emancipation, would we not restore them to slavery? Or are we, too, to become Socialists, and coop
them up in Greely’s Free-Love phalansteries? There are no other alternative. Again: every Southern man in defending
slavery, habitually appeals to the almost universal usages of civilized man, and argues that slavery must be natural
to man, and intended by Providence as the condition of the larger portion of the race, else it could not have been so
universal. What a ridiculous and absurd figure does the defender of mere negro slavery cut, who uses this argument,
when the abolitionist turns round on hirn and says-“Why, you have just admitted that white slavery was wrong, and
this universal usage which you speak of has been white, not black slavery. The latter is a very recent affair?” We must
defend the principle of slavery as part of the constitution of man’s nature. The defence of mere negro slavery, will, nay,
has involved us in a thousand absurdities and contradictions. We must take high philosophical, biblical, and historical
grounds, and soar beyond the little time and space around us to the earliest records of time, and the farthest verge of
civilization. Let us quit the narrow boundaries of the rice, the sugar and the cotton field, and invite the abolitionists to
accompany us in our flight to the tent of Abraham, to the fields of Judea, to the halls of David and of Solomon, to
the palaces and the farms of Athens and of Rome, and to the castles of the grim Barons of medieval time.

Let us point to their daily routine of domestic life. Then, not till then, may we triumphantly defend negro slavery.
“You see slavery everywhere, and throughout all times: you see men subjected to it by express command or by
permission of God, with skins as white and intellects as good as yours. Can it be wrong to enslave the poor negro,
who needs a master more than any of these?” Less than this is inconsiderate assertion, not Southern thought;
nay, not thought at all. The temptation to confine the. defence of slavery to mere negro slavery is very strong, for
it is obvious that they require masters under all circumstances, whilst the whites need them only under peculiar
circumstances, and those circumstances such as we can hardly realize the existence of in America. May the day
never arrive when our lands shall be so closely monopolized, and our population become so dense, that the poor
would find slavery a happy refuge from the oppression of capital. In the South, there is another and a stronger
reason tor,the feeling of indignation at the bare suggestion of white slavery-that is pride of paste. No man loves
liberty and hates slavery so cordially as the Southerner. Liberty is with him a privilege, or distinction, belonging to
all white men. Slavery is a badge of disgrace attached to an inferior race. Accustomed from childhood to connect
the idea of slavery with the negro, and of libtrty with the white man, it shocks his sensibilities barely to mention white
slavery. ‘Tis vain to talk to him of the usages of mankind, for his prejudices and piepossessions were formed long
before he heard of history, and they are too strong to be reasoned away. This peculiarity of Southerners, and other
slaveholders, is admirably described by Burke, who was the most philosophic and farseeing statesman of modern
times. He says, “in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in any
part of the world, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them
not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing,then that freedom, as in countries where it is
a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery,
with all the exterior of. servitude, liberty looks among them as something more noble and liberal.

I do not, mean to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in
it; but cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and those people of the Southern colonies are much more
strongly, and with a more stubborn spirit attached to liberty, than those to the Northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths; such were our Gothic ancestry; such, in our days, were the Poles.; and such will be all masters
of slaves who are not slaves themselves. In such a people, haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of
fteedom, fortifies it, and renders it invisible.

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